Unlocking Culture: A Study of the Collins Living-Learning Center

by Jeannine Bankey, Colin Davis, Sara Hinkle, and Richard Muthiah
Spring 2002

In our enchantment with slick facades, we have forgotten that walls are not an end but merely the means of creating space. The seventh-century B.C. Chinese philosopher Lao-Tsu said, "The quality of the building is the space within." And buildings should provide continuity leavened by diversity. (Gaines, 1991, pp. 5-6)

As you enter the courtyard you feel as if you have been whisked away from the campus of a large state university, and emerged instead at a small, liberal arts college of a bygone era. The elegant limestone architecture, a stately wooden doorway, grassy courtyard, and interior woodwork contribute to an Oxbridge feel. You note that each building is architecturally unique, and one, subtly asymmetrical. In contrast, a foray one block north reveals another part of the complex, the austere appearance of which brings to mind a military barracks. Turning your attention back to the main quad, you note a large number of bikes parked outside. Picnic tables and grills await people for cookouts and gatherings, and messages chalked on the sidewalk exclaim birthday wishes.

Entering the center doors into the main lobby, a flash of colored glass catches your eye to the left. You note there are stained glass windows depicting three gnomes, one holding a lantern, one a pipe, and one pushing a wheel barrel. Later, you become aware that numerous images of the gnome appear throughout the building. Farther into the lobby a bulletin board proclaims upcoming events and programs, such as workshops on vintage clothes shopping and moccasin making. In the front of the lobby is a large drawing of the female reproductive system with a question that asks, "What would the world be like if men menstruated?" As you pause to look closer, several students pass by on their way from the mailboxes to your right.

Turn to your left and you enter the Edmondson formal lounge. With a fireplace on one end, a piano on the other, and comfy overstuffed furniture and padded window seats throughout, the lounge looks to be a welcoming place to congregate, study, and even nap. Photographs, which cover almost the entirety of the walls, convey the sense of a family photo gallery.

Traveling down a flight of stairs you arrive at the Coffeehouse, which contains a stage on one end and small 4-person tables, several artistically decorated with decoupage. More "family" photos, in addition to artwork, newspaper clippings, and awards, cover the walls.

As you make your way down the hall, you come to the dining hall. At the entrance, a large board announces the day's menu, which includes vegan and vegetarian items, as well as traditional dining fare. With the long dining tables, high ceilings, and crimson upholstered chairs, the setting evokes a scene from a Harry Potter novel. However, milling through the dining room for the duration of the meal is not the Hogwarts headmaster, but the dining hall director. As he makes his way through the dining room, the director stops to check out the food items, wipe tables, and occasionally chat with students. Once at the back of the hall, he sings a short song which is met with smiles and applause from all diners. The song serves as a friendly reminder that it is the last call for food that evening.

Welcome. You have just entered the Collins Living-Learning Center.

An Introduction to Collins Living-Learning Center

The Ralph L. Collins Living-Learning Center at Indiana University (IU) in Bloomington, Indiana, is a unique amalgamation of contrasts: academic and social, traditional and innovative, open and closed, diverse and homogenous. In the following pages, we introduce Collins and provide a rationale for our study of the culture at the Living Learning Center. The concept of a living-learning center is addressed, followed by an explanation of the cultural framework we used for our study. After reviewing our methodology, we discuss findings from the study and analyze these findings in search of core components of the Collins culture. In the process we provide greater depth and context for the contrasts introduced in the opening sentence, along with discussion of other features of the culture.

In 1940 Indiana University built the residence halls that would house the university's first living-learning center. For 32 years, the Men's Residence Center (MRC) embodied its name, housing only men in its three buildings. In 1972, after a battle to maintain the buildings as student housing, the Living Learning Center (LLC) was born. The brainchild of former Chancellor Herman B Wells, the LLC was a place where the residence hall and the classroom met (Swartz, 1981). In 1981, the center was renamed after the late Professor Ralph L. Collins, an early headmaster at the MRC (Murphy, 2002).

Collins LLC "emphasizes a close, fruitful relationship between formal academic learning and the day-to-day residential experience" (Collins LLC Mission Statement). Students must apply to and be accepted into the community, and once accepted are expected to be an active part of the residence center. The LLC "wants to combine the advantages of a small-college experience with the opportunities and resources of a major university" (Collins brochure). It is a place where students commit to be engaged and to learn in community.

The LLC is part of the College of Arts and Sciences (COAS), and works in cooperation with Residential Programs and Services (RPS). Collins is the only residence hall on campus that has this type of joint relationship with an academic unit. The director of the LLC, Carl Ziegler, is a faculty member of the Germanic Studies and Comparative Literature department in the College of Arts and Sciences. Iris Yob, the Academic Coordinator, oversees the academic programs and teaches service learning courses at Collins each semester. Other academic faculty and staff include Catherine Hawkes, Yara Clüver, and Michael Van Vooren. Sara Ivey-Lucas, a former student at the LLC, has been the Residence Manager for Collins since 1998. Her role with RPS involves issues related to residence life.

Initial interest in studying Collins was due in large part to the collaboration between academic affairs and student affairs evidenced in the LLC, and the implications for students living in the center. Two research questions emerged as we engaged with the Collins community:

• What are core values of Collins culture?
• To what degree is the culture of Collins integrated, differentiated, and fragmented?

The cultural perspectives of integration, differentiation and fragmentation (Martin, 1992) are explicated below in the discussion of our cultural framework. To provide a context for our study of Collins, we begin with an overview of literature related to living-learning centers.

Living-Learning Centers: An Overview

The philosophical bases for the living learning center (LLC) model are as old as the Oxford model and as new as recent student personnel literature. (Rowe, 1981, p. 52)

The roots of the Living-Learning community are grounded in the English residential college model, exemplified by Oxford and Cambridge, in which students and faculty lived, dined, and studied together (Duke, 1996; Gaines, 1991; Smith, 1994). This model, adapted by American colleges, was characterized by a high level of "intellectual intimacy" (Rowe, 1981) and an emphasis on the holistic education of students (Smith, 1994), elements which have been fundamental throughout the history of American higher education (Whitt & Nuss, 1994).

The clarion call to whole person education that has reemerged in the past two decades is reinforced by a wealth of research that hails the connection of in- and out-of-class experiences in producing student learning and other positive outcomes (American College Personnel Association, 1994; Astin, 1992; Kuh, Schuh, & Whitt, 1991; Pascarella & Terenzini, 1991). Living-Learning communities are one way to accomplish the goal of connecting these two spheres of students' lives.

Understanding Community

Castaldi (1969) asserts that humans have an innate need for social situations that promote a sense of belonging and security, both of which are paramount to the learning process. Mable, Terry, and Duvall (1980) echoed these thoughts, claiming that the basic needs for identity, stimulation, and security can be facilitated through the building of community.

Community is traditionally described as a small group of people living in a common area and linked by shared values, practices, and goals (Spitzberg & Thorndike,1992; cited in Schroeder, 1994). Mable et al. (1980) propose that community encompasses the elements of shared goals, responsibilities, and communications. McMillan and Chavis (1986; cited in Berger, 1997) define sense of community by the components of membership, influence, integration and fulfillment of needs, and shared emotional connection. Moving specifically into the higher education arena, Schroeder (1994) identifies commonality of purpose, unity, transcendent values, and cohesiveness as the essential components that distinguish a learning community in a college residence hall.

Defining Learning Communities

The term learning community is used widely and in numerous variations. Because of its varied uses, a definition is important for a shared understanding of the concept intended for this paper. Following is a comprehensive definition of LLCs that incorporates both practical and philosophical principles:

A Living-Learning Center is a residence unit which seeks to integrate the student's academic experience with his or her living environment. The goals of affective, cognitive, and physical growth and development of the residents are pursued through intentional provision of formal and/or informal… learning experiences. The LLC is not a degree granting entity. Students' residence in the LLC is voluntary, contingent upon some form of application/selection process. Academic support as well as student affairs support is provided for the LLC and may include facilities, services, ongoing faculty participation, and/or a programming budget. (Rowe and others, 1979, p. 21; cited in Rowe, 1981, p. 54)

What distinguishes a residential learning community from a traditional residential unit is the purposeful creation of group identity and cohesion of values, coupled with an intentional effort to connect and integrate the curricular and co-curricular experiences of students (Schroeder, 1994). Schroeder cites four principles as essential to the development of a living-learning community: involvement, investment, influence, and identity.

Involvement. Involvement is a central theme of the learning community, as the research is clear that the more students are involved, the more they benefit from their educational experiences (Astin, 1992; Kuh et al., 1991; Pascarella & Terenzini, 1991). Moreover, Schroeder (1994) links involvement with a sense of mattering within a community: "Effective learning communities are characterized by a high degree of student influence, control, and ownership. Students matter. They are central to the enterprise, and their participation in a variety of roles is essential" (pp. 167-8).

Investment. Investment is a sense of psychological ownership and care for the community that flows naturally from involvement. It is often manifested through a demonstration of respect for personal boundaries and group property, longevity of association, and rewarding those who are "good" members.

Influence. An ethic of responsibility is the cornerstone of effective learning communities in which students frequently exert maximum influence and control over their physical and social environments. Such an environment is often characterized by high expectations of members, gentle confrontation rather than passive-aggressive behaviors, and a sense that students' perspectives are important and valued.

Identity. Learning communities with a high degree of identification and affiliation tend to be sharply focused on commonalities and transcendent values. Such communities often have shared, unifying symbols which are prominently worn or displayed, and tend to describe themselves in collective terms such as we and us, rather than I or they.

A final noteworthy point is the important role that architecture can play within LLCs. For example, stark institutional atmospheres, detached and inaccessible rooms, and long, narrow double-loaded corridors can isolate students and inhibit interaction (Schroeder, 1994). On the other hand, architecture that promotes social interaction, such as ample, accessible, and comfortable group space, can have the opposite effect.

Positive Outcomes of Living-Learning Communities

While living in traditional residence halls has numerous advantages for students, research suggests that residing in a living-learning community has even greater educational benefits (Pascarella, Terenzini, & Blimling, 1994). For example, Pike (1999) found that students in residential learning communities had significantly higher levels of involvement, interaction, integration, and gains in learning and intellectual development than those in traditional residence halls.

Gabelnick, MacGregor, Matthews, and Smith (1990) cite higher retention rates, increased academic achievement, and higher levels of intellectual development among the key positive outcomes of LLCs. Students who have lived in an LLC reported the following as valued aspects of their living-learning community experience: friendships and sense of belonging, learning collaboratively, intellectual energy and confidence, appreciation for other students' perspectives, discovering texts, building of intellectual connections, embracing complexity, and achieving new perspectives on their own learning process (Gabelnick et al., 1990).

With a greater understanding of the LLC concept in place, we turn to discussion of the cultural lens through which our research team examined the culture of the Collins Living-Learning Center.

A Cultural Framework

Toward a Definition of Culture

Because the term culture is used to describe a broad range of concepts, it is important to have a shared understanding of how the term is used for this paper. The word is often used as a catchall to encompass every element of an organization, yet Kuh and Whitt (1988) indicate that "labeling everything 'culture' compromises the level of precision typically expected of social science research" (p. iii).

Much of the literature on culture comes from the realm of business and organizational development (Clark, 1985; Martin, 1992; Schein, 1991), though some literature focusing specifically on culture in higher education exists (Kuh, 1991, 1993; Kuh & Whitt, 1988; Tierney, 1989). Two definitions from the culture literature — one from organizational studies, one from higher education — serve to inform the definition of culture used for this paper. In reference to organizational culture, Schein (1991) presents this formal definition:

Culture is:

1. A pattern of shared basic assumptions,
2. invented, discovered, or developed by a given group,
3. as it learns to cope with its problems of external adaptation and internal integration,
4. that has worked well enough to be considered valid, and therefore,
5. is to be taught to new members of the group as the
6. correct way to perceive, think, and feel in relation to those problems (p. 247).

Moving from a business focused definition toward a definition specifically applicable to higher education, Kuh and Whitt (1988) define culture as "persistent patterns of norms, values, practices, beliefs, and assumptions that shape the behavior of individuals and groups in a college or university and provide a frame of reference within which to interpret the meaning of events and actions on and off the campus" (p. iv).

An understanding of subcultures is essential for one to have a rich understanding of an organization's culture. Like culture, the term subculture is overused and frequently misused. For a subculture to exist, (a) norms and values must be shared by individuals who interact with each other on an ongoing basis, (b) the norms and values differ from the larger culture, and (c) the group exercises methods of social control (Kuh, 1990). For the purposes of this paper, the term subgroup will be used to describe groups of Collins students who have commonalities beyond membership in the living-learning center but do not meet the full criteria of a subculture.

We view the culture of Collins as an enduring, overarching network of assumptions, values, attitudes, and experiences that (a) are shared by many group members; (b) are communicated to new members of the Collins Living-Learning Center; and (c) shape the expectations and actions of individuals and groups within Collins. Nestled within this definition is a recognition that differences will exist between subgroups or subcultures and the larger, more homogenous culture that may be most evident.

Capturing Culture: Artifacts, Values, and Assumptions

Understanding culture requires extrapolation from visible and surface level information to intangible, less easily identified concepts that drive the organization. Kuh and Whitt (1988) and Schein (1991) propose three levels of culture: artifacts, values, and assumptions. Artifacts are generally physical or visible aspects of organization life. Examples of physical artifacts include documents, buildings, room decorations, and symbols. Other artifacts, such as rituals, ceremonies, or activities might be visible but not tangible. Artifacts are representations of an organization's values. Two types of values are salient to the study of culture. Espoused values are the reasons given for processes and products of the organization; enacted values reflect actual practice and give an indication of what is truly important to the organization (Kuh, 1993). The third layer of culture, and most difficult to ascertain, is the underlying assumptions. Schein (1991) describes assumptions as the "ultimate source of values and action" (p. 252).

We moved from surface to deeper layers by identifying and analyzing artifacts, then assessing espoused and enacted values. We considered the third level of culture — the assumptions undergirding values and artifacts — but due to space constraints will focus on artifacts and values.

Framework for studying culture

Martin's perspectives. Our research was informed by three perspectives of organizational culture described by Martin (1992). Briefly summarized, the integration perspective approaches culture as monolithic and shared across the organization. Often the views of individuals in leadership are presumed to represent the attitudes of all members of the organization. The differentiation perspective anticipates differences within an organization, but relegates differences to subcultures that maintain consensus within their segment of the organization. Approaching culture from a fragmentation perspective recognizes a multiplicity of complex, inconsistent views. Organizational members cross subcultural boundaries based on specific circumstances, creating an ambiguous and ever-changing culture. Martin suggests that all three perspectives require attention if a researcher desires a rich, deep understanding of a particular culture. Although time and space prohibit our ability to successively apply each perspective fully (as Martin suggests), we attempt to utilize each perspective in our discussion of culture at Collins.

Techniques of inquiry. In discussing a culture audit, Whitt (1993) presents eight guiding principles for the researcher of campus cultures. These principles can be condensed into one broad statement: recognize, respect, and respond to the complexity of the culture under study. For example, resist the tendency to simplify prematurely by focusing only on particular segments of the organization as representative of the entire organization. Triangulate by using multiple methods of data collection (e.g., observations, interviews, document analysis) across multiple sources of data (e.g., students, faculty, alumni).

Methodology

After securing approval from the Indiana University Human Subjects Committee and the faculty and professionals of Collins, our research team of two women and two men began the process of data collection. We were allowed broad access to all elements of the LLC, and were provided with recruitment brochures, community publications, schedules, and other documents. Cultural data was collected in a variety of ways including observation, document analysis, group interviews, and personal interviews.

During the early part of the study, we utilized purposive sampling (Merriam, 1998), targeting individuals who were in roles of leadership or influence (e.g., committee chairs, the student historian, staff members). We then moved to snowball sampling, requesting names of potential respondents from those we were interviewing (Merriam, 1998). Some researchers tape-recorded interviews while others relied on written notes for record keeping.

We conducted individual interviews with 22 students and 4 faculty/staff members; held one group interview with 12 students; observed numerous Collins events and activities; and reviewed Collins publications, articles from the Herald-Times and Indiana Daily Student newspapers, and archival documents (see Appendix A). The semi-structured (Merriam, 1998) individual interviews were typically about one hour in length, while the group interview lasted about one hour and forty-five minutes. A set of questions (see Appendix B) served as a guideline for the individual and group interviews. Some interviews were conducted by multiple team members, while others were conducted by only one interviewer. After each interview, observation, or document analysis, summary forms (see Appendix C ) were prepared and circulated among team members for review and editing.

Collins Culture: Process And Product

Culture can be understood as both a process and a product (Kuh & Whitt, 1988). The first perspective is concerned with the shaping and meaning of the organization, whereas the latter view focuses on outcomes of the organization's interactions. Following is a discussion of various processes and products of Collins, in which we highlight aspects of the culture: the socialization process, physical environment, dining hall, academic program, and traditions, ceremonies, and events.

Socialization to the Culture

Socialization is the mechanism through which culture is transmitted to new members and involves "cultural learning, the acquisition of values, knowledge, attitudes, skills, and expectations appropriate to a particular culture" (Kuh & Whitt, 1988, pp. 37-38). By committing new members to the culture through a gradual accumulation of experiences over time, socialization helps to ensure the maintenance of existing norms and values that are critical to its future (Weidman, 1989). Socialization occurs in four stages: 1) anticipatory, in which the individual begins to acquire values of the culture prior to entry; 2) formal, which occurs when the new member begins to assume specific demands of the new role; 3) informal, where the individual learns about unofficial or informal expectations; and 4) personal, during which the individual integrates the formal and informal expectations with personal values and acts as a member of the group (Weidman, 1989). Collins has its own mechanisms in place for socializing new members that can be linked to Weidman's four stages.

Application and selection process. Collins is unique at IU in that a special application is required for admission in addition to the standard university housing application. Applicants are asked about favorite extracurricular activities, academic interests, why they want to be a part of the Collins community, and how their academic and extracurricular interests will contribute to the LLC. Director Carl Ziegler emphasizes that students who put special effort into the admissions process, such as submitting letters of reference or examples of artwork, are more likely to be admitted. These extra efforts can help to demonstrate a prospective student's level of motivation and interest to live in the LLC, as well as his or her level of congruence with the community. Finally, the application includes a diversity statement that explicitly states an expectation of respect toward others:

We, the residents of Collins commit ourselves to celebrating and exploring differences. We choose to respect all people, regardless of race, gender, ethnicity, sexuality, age, ability, religion, or class. Collins is a safe place to live, learn, and create. We will not accept any action that hurts, excludes, or threatens others, directly or indirectly. We make this pledge as a unified community.

Students must sign in support of this diversity statement and are warned, "Failure to comply may result in my separation from the program and reassignment to other space in the residence halls." The application itself thus serves as a method of anticipatory socialization (Weidman, 1989) in that it communicates values to which residents are expected to adhere prior to entrance into the community.

Carl puts great time and effort into writing a personal note on each acceptance letter, an act that students receive with great appreciation. This helps set the tone that Collins is a community in which you are given personal attention and treated as an individual. According to one Collins student leader, the LLC is "elitist and exclusive by its very nature" in that it requires this extensive application process. However, Carl asserts, "I am not a gatekeeper to keep people out. My position is to include people." For example, students are not excluded on the basis of academic performance. Although Carl makes the final decisions on admission, he says that a student committee helps establish the principles upon which admissions should be based, enabling Collins students "buy-in" to the process.

Orientation. Collins orientation is one of the formal socialization mechanisms that new students encounter at the their entrance to the LLC. Students and administrators agree that the Collins orientation plays a key role in the acculturation process; one student claims that it is an "essential element" of the Collins experience. The orientation program is designed to "fill in the gaps" of the IU orientation and Welcome Week, and to expose and familiarize students with unique aspects of Collins. The five-day orientation event typically includes an opening reception attended by students, faculty, staff and administrators; a special orientation for parents; a session called "The Collins Mystique" run by students and Iris which addresses "everything unique about Collins"; and "Collins 101," presented by Carl, which provides information about the academic transition to college. Integrated throughout orientation are social events, cultural outings, and service activities, many of which incorporate an overarching theme selected for orientation. Academic Coordinator Iris Yob said, "I think orientation is special here…. It's hard not to become acculturated at orientation."

Q-Class. All new Collins residents are required to take Q199: "Residential Learning Workshop," better known as the "Q-class." Dubbed the "gateway into Collins" by the Collins Web site, the Q-class serves as another formal socialization tool. These one-credit classes are taught by student instructors who attempt to introduce their peers to the University and Collins communities. In addition, topics such as diversity, health and wellness, sexuality, the environment, and volunteerism are discussed. Peer instructors prepare their own course readings, design their own syllabus and grading system, and plan field trips and assignments for the class. According to Iris, who oversees this process, a strength of peer instruction is that students "say stuff [to their peers] they would never say to us." The Q-class culminates with the implementation of a "Q-project" which is intended to benefit the community, whether at Collins, the University, or the Bloomington neighborhood.

According to an RA we interviewed, "If people are going to like Collins, [the Q-class] is where it starts…. It is a starting point to become proud and take an active stand in community." Another student affirmed that the Q-class was a key culture initiator. Indeed, the Collins Living-Learning Center Annual Report for 2000-01 lists a number of positive comments from student evaluations:

Each class was filled with wonderful discussions, interesting questions, and loving company.

It helped me adjust to Collins and even college in general. (p. 8)

On the other hand, students we interviewed expressed mixed feelings about the Q-class. A number disliked the course and said there was a sense of forced diversity. Others said you could even grow to hate the Q-class. The consensus of those students interviewed seemed to be that the quality of the Q-class really depended upon the individual instructor.

Informal interaction. While some of the more formal socializing agents of Collins have been described, conversations with students revealed that informal interactions with other residents serve as the most powerful means of socialization. Students commented on an atmosphere of friendliness in Collins, especially early in the year when there seems to be more of an effort to get to know one another. Numerous common areas throughout Collins facilitate this informal interaction, providing a place where students can meet and interact. Through interaction with peers, students quickly learn the "unwritten rules" of Collins. For example, one student described a significant socializing experience he had during one of his first few weeks at Collins:

One of the first things I remember when I came to Collins… was drinking out of a Coke can… and I went to toss it in an outside trash can, and I'd just done it and this kid… we were both freshmen — he said, "Oh, man, let me help you out! Man, you better recycle, they're gonna kill ya, they're gonna jump all over you." That's the first I'd heard of the environmental aspect of Collins.

Others explained that Collins encourages a certain look that is easily observed and positively reinforced by other residents. For example, many wear old grungy t-shirts and "music" clothes and eschew anything "trendy." One student said he grew sideburns and a beard, an appropriate LLC look, after moving to Collins. In other words, he had moved to the "personal" stage of socialization and began to act as a member of the community.

Collins explicitly and deliberately communicates its values (LeVine, 1966) through the application and selection process, and reinforces them both formally and informally through orientation, Q-classes, and by providing ample opportunities for students to interact, thus increasing occasions to transmit values and norms.

Physical Environment

The comments of A.D.F. Hamlin, a professor of architecture at Columbia, revealed the sense of reverence commanded by [Oxford and Cambridge]. "How potent… must have been the spell wrought through four centuries by the now venerable halls and cloisters of Oxford and Cambridge…. The quiet and century-old beauty of those ancient 'quads'… could not fail to become interwoven with the lives of the men who haunted them" (Duke, 1996, pp. 5-6).

Among the artifacts that shape culture is the physical environment. The structure and use of buildings, rooms, and exterior spaces provide one lens through which to view an organization's culture (Kuh & Whitt, 1988). The physical environment at Collins certainly contributes to the culture of the community. While the opening vignette provided a glimpse into the physical characteristics of Collins, the following paragraphs offer further insight.

Physical description. Collins consists of buildings in 4 locations: The Main Quad, The Hill, Hillcrest Apartments, and the Clubhouse. All but the latter house students. The Main Quad is the center of activity at Collins. Cravens, Edmondson, and Smith Halls border three sides of a central courtyard.

Edmondson is the nerve center of Collins, housing academic and residential offices, student mailboxes, the hall desk, and the dining hall. The lounge on the first floor, referred to as Ed Formal, and the Coffeehouse in the basement are common meeting places. Just off of the Coffeehouse is the Cheshire Café that, unlike the Coffeehouse, actually serves coffee along with other special drinks such as mochas, lattes, and chai.

One block north of the Main Quad — up a slight slope — is The Hill. Most of the 130 residents of The Hill are first-year students or transfers, and although some will later move to the Main Quad or elsewhere, others have made The Hill their home. Hillcrest Apartments, located a block west of the Main Quad, houses 40 upper class students.

Responses to the environment. For several of the students we interviewed, the sight of the Main Quad was a primary draw to live in Collins. It seems that many students who are drawn to the physical appearance of the Main Quad are likely to appreciate elements of Collins Living-Learning Center, such as the intentional focus on intellectual stimulation and the sense of a small community. According to some of the students we spoke with, however, there are also residents who appreciate the architecture and little else about Collins. One resident commented on the appropriateness of the architecture for the Collins community. To paraphrase, both provide a traditional collegiate environment with an extra dose of creativity and individuality.

One challenge for Collins is incoming students who envision living at the Main Quad but end up on The Hill. In such cases, high expectations often plummet. Yet, the group of Brown residents with whom we spoke all rebounded from any disappointment and grew attached to life on The Hill. There is no disputing, however, that living at Hillcrest or The Hill is a different experience than living in the Main Quad: propinquity to mailboxes, the dining hall, arts facilities, special activities, and classrooms is diminished. Because Hillcrest residents are upper class students that choose to live away from the Main Quad, there are different issues at play for them compared to incoming students who are assigned to Brown or Greene. In some ways, Main Quad residents' frequent response to residents who live on The Hill — "Oh… you live on The Hill" — is similar to that of some non-Collins residents to those who live in Collins — "Oh… you live in Collins. Isn't that where all the scary people live?"

Edmondson Dining Hall

Collins Cafeteria is the perfect place to set down for a three hour meal. You will only eat for about 30 minutes and talk for the rest. Just when you think you're done, someone you haven't seen all day will come in and you will end up having one more slice of Zebra cake (Student quote from 1999-2000 Collins Yearbook).

If Edmondson is the nerve center of Collins, the Edmondson Dining Hall might be considered the heart. When asked "What makes Collins Collins?" virtually every respondent commented on the dining hall as a major element. The wood paneled walls of the rectangular room, along with the high ceiling, long tables, and upholstered crimson chairs are an extension of the Oxbridge feel mentioned previously, in spite of the buffet serving units at the entrance to the room.

Three dimensions of the dining hall experience surfaced during our interviews. Jim Beeson, the Dining Manager, was introduced at the Founders Day brunch as "the most popular person in Collins." Several reasons are apparent for the accolade, most notably, "Last Call." Every evening "around 7:12," Jim strolls into the dining hall, pausing to chat with students before launching into one of 15 or more songs that announce the imminent closing of the buffet lines. Whether to the tune of "It's Now or Never" or "Proud Mary," the message is the same — this is your last chance to fill your plate before the food is taken off the line. Jim began Last Call about 15 years ago after seeing a parent turned away from a meal during a special summer program. He decided to alert diners to the end of the serving time — an action reflective of Jim's concern for others' welfare.

A second dining-related theme that arose from our interviews was the food service at the dining hall. Jim was told that 1 of 3 applicants to Collins mentioned the food as a reason for desiring to live at Collins. Collins provides one of two cafeteria-style options on campus, and Jim ensures that the Collins menu has legitimate vegan and vegetarian options. The Collins dining hall is in all likelihood a primary reason that IU was listed as 4th on the People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals (PETA, 2002) list of top "veg-friendly" institutions.

The final dining-related theme that emerged was the contribution that the dining hall makes to the sense of community at Collins. Whether going with a group of friends or arriving by oneself, students are likely to encounter friends with whom to sit. Often mentioned were long dinners, at which students would arrive at 5 o'clock and converse with friends until closing time around 7:30. Long rectangular tables contribute to an environment that invites conversation with neighboring diners; a lonely meal is possible, but takes effort. Because of its size, students are able to see everyone who enters, enabling recognition and connection with other residents.

Clearly, the various dimensions of the dining hall have substantial influence on the life and culture of Collins. One actively involved, upper class student leader provided a strong statement about the importance of the dining hall:

The cafeteria is so central to Collins, that if we ever lost that, I, it would just be devastating…. I really don't know if the program could survive without the cafeteria. It's just, it's so important to forming a community which, y'know, more important than… y'know they say, like, the classes are, like, the central principle behind why we have Collins in the first place, but really I think the most central thing is just having a community, and the cafeteria is really important to that.

Various pressures may be changing the role that the dining hall plays at Collins. According to Jim Beeson, the shift from set meal plans (e.g., 14 or 21 meals per week) to meal points (that are equivalent to dollars) has altered eating patterns as dining services across campus were, and are, forced to respond to student demand. As a result, food courts have replaced most of the cafeterias, and Collins added the deli line. Jim believes socialization has diminished as a result of these changes. In addition, the Residence Hall Association recently passed the "F-plan" which allows 4th year residents to not have a meal plan. The Collins Executive Board President fought against the change, believing that the presence of seniors in the dining hall is essential to the community.

The Academic Program

Academic requirements. All freshmen and sophomores living in Collins are required to take one Collins seminar each year. Iris, who oversees the academic program, admits that there is sometimes resistance to taking these required courses but asserts that "we hardly ever have to wave a big stick" in mandating course requirements.

Course selection process. The Board of Educational Programming (BOEP), an all-student organization advised by Iris, selects all Collins seminars. The rigorous selection process occurs each semester and seems to be highly valued by those involved. Members of BOEP offer to meet individually with potential instructors in order to provide advice on their application prior to submitting it. Once all applications were received, the course selection process kicks into high gear. All told, BOEP spent approximately twenty hours selecting the Collins courses this spring, not including the individual hours that were spent reading each thick application packet. Observations of the meetings revealed the heavy intellectual and psychological investment students contribute to the process. The students were passionate about selecting quality courses, and it was not unusual to see them arguing about the finer points of a particular syllabus. Although Iris sat in on the process, her approach was very hands off as she relied on the undergraduates to do their own analyses and make the final decisions. These students clearly knew what they were looking for in a class — elements such as alternative styles of instruction, experiential and collaborative pedagogies, and unique topics that would appeal to the Collins residents.

One BOEP member described the process as "empowering" and stated, "It feels good to know something about a syllabus more than the person who wrote it does." On the other hand, the BOEP chair acknowledged the fact that the students do not have total control: "The whole reason we have the curricular committee is that we are undergraduates and are not qualified to accredit classes." Indeed, BOEP's final selections must meet the approval of the COAS curriculum committee for its official acceptance.

Another key point about the BOEP course selection process is the attempt to involve more Collins residents in the procedure. While BOEP is open to all Collins residents, there seems to be a difficulty in getting students to participate in the process. Part of this may be due to the intense time commitment that is required of the participants. For example, on the night of the final meeting several students showed up in hopes of participating. However, because they had not been present for all or most of the twenty-some hour process, they were not granted a vote. As a result, the students left. Another example of attempts at inclusiveness is the tally sheets that were hung in the Edmondson lobby. The sheets provided a title and brief abstract of each proposed course, and students had the opportunity to indicate their preferences. But on the final night of course selection, the tally sheets appeared to hold little weight in the final analysis. So while the committee preaches open participation and a desire for inclusiveness in the process, their actions did not necessarily support this.

Also noteworthy are the types of courses that the committee tends to select. On the one hand, the students were likely to be attracted to courses with catchy names and topics that would fit with the diverse image of Collins. Two examples that stand out from the Spring 2002 course offerings are "A Cultural History of the Breast" and "Gender, Power, and Self: It's a Drag." On the other hand, while Collins students embrace the notion that they are liberal and experimental, their course selection for Fall 2002 actually followed more traditional lines. The courses they selected all had the traditional academic components that one might see in any seminar class.

Although the Collins curriculum is professed by many to be the heart of the LLC, it appears that the actual course selection process is what is of most value, at least to a select number of Collins students. Those students who participate on BOEP appear impassioned about the process and value their central role in this key aspect of the community. However, while the committee espouses inclusiveness, some of their actions can exclude students from being involved in the curriculum selection process. In addition, despite the alternative and non-traditional image that Collins residents seem to enjoy, the courses that BOEP selected were fairly traditional in nature.

Traditions, Ceremonies, and Events

The traditions and celebrations of Collins Living-Learning Center reflect values of past and present residents. The celebrations often reflect themes that Collins espouses, e.g., diversity, arts, and uniqueness. Following are brief descriptions of some of the LLC's major events.

Begun in 1978 by an LLC resident, students wear costumes depicting a Charles Dickens character for the December Dickens Dinner. The Viennese Ball was started in 1984 by a Collins music major who assembled and conducted a 24-piece orchestra. CollinsFest, celebrated in late spring, began as Collins Festival of the Arts in 1980. Former LLC Director Ernest Bernhardt-Kabisch (2001) commented, "it took the form of a Renaissance Fair resplendent with hand-made medieval and Renaissance costumes and armorial trappings perfectly suited to the Tudor Gothic architecture of the quad, and alive with music, drama, juggling, mime, exhibits of arts and crafts, and the dancing jousting antics of the local Society for Creative Anachronism." The mutually shaping nature of the culture was evident in the reshaping of CollinsFest to a more contemporary celebration. The members of the community seem to use this activity to celebrate their value of diversity, as was seen in their dress, musical performances, and messages handed out at booths.

There are also the less grand celebrations of open mic nights and a Friday movie series. The Friday movie consciousness series demonstrates the activist spirit at Collins; the resident who organizes the informal gatherings selects movies based on their depiction of oppression, poverty, or abuse of the environment. These tangible and behavioral artifacts represent the shared values that are enacted throughout the community (Kuh & Whitt, Manning, 1993). The activism, critical consciousness, and artistic inclination are intertwined with the relationship and interaction with the history, traditions and current activities in the Collins Living-Learning Center.

Community Values

The artifacts and processes discussed above provide a window into core values at Collins. Some of the values are very explicit, while others are more subtle. In the pages ahead we discuss the espoused values of Collins and consider how consistent they are with what is enacted.

Integration, Differentiation, and Fragmentation

In responding to our research questions— "What are core values of Collins culture?" and "To what degree is the culture of Collins integrated, differentiated, and fragmented?"—we initially approached Collins from an integrative perspective (Martin, 1993), identifying values generally shared across the organization. These values tended to be readily identifiable by newcomers to the Collins setting. After exploring the overarching values of Collins in the following section, we move into an analysis of differentiated and fragmentary aspects of the culture.

Community. One of the more apparent values at Collins is community. Nearly every individual interviewed discussed how Collins feels like home, or that one of the things they appreciate most about Collins is the sense of community. A student used a line from the Cheers theme song when she described Collins as a place where "everybody knows your name." As highlighted by the previous discussion of socialization, the building of community is intentional. Potential residents reading a Collins LLC brochure will see that "when you join the residents of Collins, you are making a commitment to learning and community building." Once students have been accepted and are living in Collins, there are multiple times and places where the value of community is reinforced. Among them are orientation, Q-class, and the decor of the formal lounge. The walls of Ed Formal and the Coffeehouse are covered with photographs of past and present Collins residents at different activities. Many of the photographs capture residents with family members, giving one a feeling of a big happy family that values their community.

This sense of community is ubiquitous at Collins, and overflows into an attitude of helpfulness. For example, after a student with his hands full accidentally tipped over a chair in the dining hall, we observed another student get up to set the chair upright. We also found students and staff to be extremely helpful, welcoming, and generous with their time as we conducted our research. Helpfulness seemed to pervade the culture.

Another thing that flows out of the sense of community is a sense of trust. Although most IU residence hall entrances are locked around the clock, the Main Quad doors are unlocked throughout the day. In addition, many Collins residents leave their personal rooms unlocked. One woman told the story of how she knew someone had been in her room because the door was locked when she arrived home. As it turned out, it was a maintenance person that had entered.

Respect for diversity. The diversity statement found in the Collins application promotes respect for differences (see p. 14). This message, encircled by student and staff signatures, is also displayed prominently in Ed Formal. Collins espouses acceptance of those of different sexual preferences, ethnicity, and class. One senior spoke of the importance of accepting diversity in Collins: "There are vegans and hippies and Goths and gays and all different sorts of groups… but they agree to co-exist." Indeed, we observed various subgroups representing diverse interests such as Christianity, S&M, leadership, environmentalism, the occult, knitting, and activism. Among IU students, Collins is often stereotyped as the "freak dorm" but most residents embrace the reputation; a t-shirt was emblazoned with the phrase "500 Freaks Can't Be Wrong." Staff, as well as students, recognize the importance of accepting differences. Even differences in food ideologies are valued as evidenced in our mention of the vegan and vegetarian dining fare.

Concern for the environment. Another value held by many in Collins is respect and concern for the environment. Many residents ride bicycles instead of driving cars around campus. The ethic of recycling is pervasive at Collins. For example, students are encouraged to bring their own mugs to the Cheshire Cafe instead of wasting disposable cups. A first-year student pointed out the Collins swap bucket as an example of residents' concern about waste. Students are encouraged to put unwanted clothes in the bucket and to take out clothes that they would use. Some environmentalists join E-Force, which the orientation brochure refers to as a "Collins trademark (and extremely lively) environmental group."

Empowerment. The strong activist tradition present in Collins today has its roots in the origins of the LLC. In 1971, Tate Holt, a member of the Men's Residence Center, led a protest against the decision to retrofit the buildings as administrative offices. As a result, the Board of Trustees asked the University Chancellor to examine the concerns and make recommendations. The result was the establishment of the Living Learning Center.

Today there are many examples of empowerment in the Collins community. The power of student involvement is evident in the course selection process, participation in establishing the dining hall menu, and disbursement of funds from the Collins budget. Indeed, one student expressed a common sentiment when she said, "We run the place."

In April of 2002, the residents of Collins were outraged when three RAs were fired for violating a staff lock-down policy during one of the NCAA Final Four basketball games. Within 4 hours of the firing, Collins residents took action. Many could be seen wearing buttons that declared, "We want our RAs back." One student went so far as to list an official group at the Student Activities Office: Cooperative Opposition to RPS (CORPS). The purpose of CORPS is "to provide students and other organizations with a unified voice against the injustices of RPS to achieve an adequate and eventually quality living/learning environment" (Student Activities Office).

Sara Ivey-Lucas, the Residence Manager, along with a number of students, discussed how Collins residents are politically aware, knowledgeable about current issues, and active in their response to many of them. For example, Sara reported that it was Collins residents who started gatherings in the Dunn Meadow peace camp during the Gulf War. The Collins environment is one where students are encouraged to voice their opinions. If there is not a forum elsewhere at IU, Collins students will create their own. The "Power Gnome," an edited version of one of the gnomes found in an Edmondson window, is emblematic of the spirit of activism at Collins.

Discrepancies Between Espoused and Enacted Values

A Fragmentation analysis… would not disagree with the points raised by the Differentiation analysis… but it would go deeper. A Fragmentation analysis would focus on multiple interpretations of the story's language, including what is not said. (Martin, 1993, p. 147)

Using differentiation and fragmentation lenses, we are able to see various incongruities across the culture. With a differentiation view, we notice inconsistencies between the interpretations and attitudes of different students and staff. The fragmentation perspective allows us to see a complex, cross-subgroup networks of relationships and ideas. The fragmentation lens also allows us to view "an individual's identity [as] a fluctuating composite of partial allegiances" (Martin, 1993, p. 156). As we spent time with the residents of Collins, inconsistencies between espoused and enacted values became apparent. Interestingly, some of the unique elements of Collins' identity, when examined at a deeper level, provide evidence of incongruity between espoused and enacted values.

Diversity. As discussed throughout the paper, the value of diversity is central to the Collins community. However, in spite of the deliberate effort to encourage various types of diversity in Collins, ethnic diversity was noticeably absent. The current Collins population consists of 35, or 7.8%, American students who identified as non-Caucasian: 3 African American, 15 Asian American, 12 foreign, and 5 Latino. We heard several members of the Collins community comment that they demonstrate diversity — among White, suburban, middle-class students.

Not only did we observe a lack of racial and ethnic diversity, but also an absence of ideological diversity. So dominant is the liberal perspective that conservative voices are often silenced. For example, we were told that the reason there are no soda machines in the LLC is because each time one was placed in Collins, the power cord was cut. The presence of a Coke machine represented to some a concession to the rise of corporate America. While Collins residents purport to accept others in their community for who they are, conflict arises when one's personal viewpoint overshadows the values of tolerance and respect. For example, one respondent who works in the deli line told us that on occasion vegans working in the deli line have intentionally left meat off of sandwiches as a protest against those with differing views about consuming animal products.

Failure to respect ideological differences is also displayed in student attitudes toward the smoking of marijuana. While Collins has a reputation for a high number of pot smokers (indeed, one researcher smelled the distinct odor of marijuana during a visit to a residential floor in Edmondson), many residents with whom we spoke were opposed to this practice. One resident expressed that she would feel uncomfortable confronting another resident on this issue. Those who do not smoke marijuana feel that their territory is infringed upon. As one student said, "It's my home and it is not right that I have to put up with that." For some residents, it seems that if an element or issue is not congruent with their strongly held beliefs, they will demonstrate little compunction at dismissing other students' perspectives and freedoms. Respect is only necessary for their values.

Pascarella et al. (1994) offer relevant thoughts on homogeneous student communities:

Purposeful interventions that homogeneously assign students to residence halls will tend to increase or accentuate the trait on which students are assigned…. From one perspective, such homogeneous grouping interventions in residence halls can be seen as a potentially powerful vehicle for advancing the educational mission. But there may also be a price to be paid in terms of students' experience of diversity during college. (p. 41)

In a living-learning center such as Collins, this may indeed be what is occurring. Students living in Collins might be both positively and negatively influenced— with benefits occurring academically, while social growth is suffering in terms of lack of exposure to diverse groups and ideologies.

Inclusion/exclusion. As Young asserts (1999), "communities are by nature exclusive as well as inclusive" (p. 14). While Collins espouses inclusiveness, we observed a number of occasions in which this value was not enacted. As previously alluded to, the special application and selection process naturally excludes some people from the community. Many residents likened Collins to a fraternity in that there is a strong sense of membership. Newcomers are heavily socialized to the norms of the community, similar to the Greek pledging process; students publicly identify with their association with Collins— perhaps more so than with Indiana University. One resident recalls that prior to living in Collins, he perceived the community as privileged. He stated that Collins was "a club I didnŐt have membership to." As fraternity members identify with their Greek letters, residents embrace their terms of endearment such as "Collinsites" or "Collinesians." Ironically, Collins residents tend to denigrate Greek members, to whom some disparagingly refer to as "frat boys."

Limitations

We acknowledge that this study was limited by several critical factors. First, given that this was a semester-bound project, the study was constrained with respect to time. There were a number of activities that could have added strength and validity to the findings if more time was available. For example, member checking and triangulation (via following up with interviewees, or sending a draft of this paper to key participants to confirm findings) could have bolstered the integrity of the data. Furthermore, while we were able to interview 38 people out of the 450 Collins residents and a handful of administrators and staff, the ability to talk to a larger sample of the population would have provided additional perspectives and lent greater credence to our research. Another issue related to the time restriction is the fact that we did not have an entire academic year in which to study the culture. Because of this, there were key events, such as orientation and the initial informal socialization process, that we were unable to observe.

An additional limitation is the fact that our study of culture was not ethnographic; we were unable to live and work with the residents and administrators of Collins for long periods of time in their natural setting. In other words, we could not establish ourselves as "natives" to the culture in order to "see people and their behavior given all the real-world incentives and constraints" (Fetterman, 1989, p. 41). We were clearly outsiders looking in, which can generate an artificial response typical of laboratory conditions.

Finally, the research was inhibited by our limited knowledge of the concept of culture. Because we are still coming to terms with this concept, the lenses through which it can be viewed, and other related issues, we are not confident as to whether or not we have adequately captured the Collins culture through our cultural framework. In addition, we acknowledge the fact that "culture cannot be succinctly defined because it is an inferential concept (Cusick, 1987)" (Kuh & Whitt, 1988, p. 10). Indeed, the illusive nature of culture limited the extent to which it could be accurately captured. As such, we encourage future researchers to challenge our assertions.

Conclusion

Collins Living-Learning Center faces a unique challenge in that parts of the program fall under an academic division while other components are under RPS. Because the College of Arts and Sciences (COAS) provides funding for the LLC, and with most of the programming at Collins coming from the academic side (90% was Carl's estimate), it is apparent that Collins would be a very different place if academics were not involved. Although the academic courses are vital elements of the LLC program, few students identified courses or the course selection process as central to the culture of Collins. Neither were RPS programs or responsibilities identified as key elements of Collins culture.

Although tensions have existed between academic and RPS staff, perhaps more so in the past, the two branches work together amicably. Few students seem aware of the distinctions between the academic and residential components. As educators across the nation consider ways to develop seamless learning environments (e.g., Kuh, 1996; Schroeder & Hurst, 1996), Collins provides a model of the collaboration possible between academic and student affairs. The explicit objectives of the Living Learning Center, along with an active student culture, contribute to an environment in which learning — academic, social, environmental, and otherwise — is fostered. Myriad opportunities exist for those students who desire to engage in educationally developmental activities. Whether through formal or informal interactions, students at Collins cannot help but be shaped by the ethos of the place. Although some rebel against aspects of the overarching culture, others embrace the values that Collins explicitly encourages.

Collins Living-Learning Center proved to be an intriguing organization for cultural study, and we give thanks to those who allowed us visits into the community. We have learned much through the research process, and have developed a deep appreciation for the environment, people, program, and, of course, the gnomes of Collins.

About the authors

Return to Articles and Essays

Appendix A: Data Collection Summary
Appendix B: Questions for Students
Appendix C1: Interview Summary Form
Appendix C2: Observation Summary Form
Appendix C3: Document Summary Form
References

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